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Trump's waning popularity
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Joined: 04 Sep 2011
Posts: 1797
Location: Queendom of Valdemar

PostPosted: Tue Feb 06, 2018 12:49 am    Post subject: Polls Reply with quote

You two (Whomping Willow and UnMask) are looking at conservative right wing polls but choose to ignore all other neutral polls.... talk about pathetic...

The highest figure I could find by looking elswhere than Breitbart, Marist or Rasmussen is 40% on FiveThirtyEight - and that was an average, taking into account all polls, right, left and neutral, and with this caveat: "Or maybe the recent upswing for Trump and Republicans is merely a blip and his approval rating will drop back into the mid-30s.", which is already much too high if you want my opinion... That a third of the American people approve of him is beyond comprehension abroad.


I found this interesting article on Bloomberg:

Voters Feel Good About the Economy, NOT About Trump
Presidential popularity usually rises and falls with economic optimism. This president has been breaking the link.
by Albert R. Hunt

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PostPosted: Mon Feb 12, 2018 1:56 am    Post subject: Tweeters Take A Trump Approval Poll Reply with quote

The RNC Asked Tweeters To Take A Donald Trump Approval Poll. They Did So With Glee.
The Republican National Committee is being mocked online after it asked people to take part in an approval poll for President Donald Trump.
Lee Moran, HuffPost•February 11, 2018

The RNC on Saturday shared a link to the survey on Trump’s official campaign website.

Folks on Twitter made fun of the poll because it only invited them to rate Trump’s job performance as “Great,” “Good,” “Okay” or “Other.”

The “other” section did allow people to expand on their thoughts, but critics dubbed the question as “biased.”

It’s fair to say that Trump won’t approve of some of the responses, like this one: super grin

Strongly disapprove @realDonaldTrump job.
Strongly disapprove @realDonaldTrump leadership.
Strongly disapprove the direction our country is heading.
You’re welcome!

Read the tweets:
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PostPosted: Mon Feb 12, 2018 7:48 am    Post subject: Typical... Reply with quote

Well typical of the RNC anyway so what else could we expect.... super grin
The Grumpiest Old Woman on Ave Viet.....
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PostPosted: Tue Feb 13, 2018 11:36 pm    Post subject: Trump’s Net Approval Rating Is Positive in Just 19 States Reply with quote

Trump’s Net Approval Rating Is Positive in Just 19 States, Half As Many As At the Start of His Presidency
Newsweek 10 hours ago

After one year in office, President Donald Trump has a positive net approval rating in only 19 U.S. states, half as many as when he first took office in January 2017, according to the latest polling data.

While the Republican has seen a slight increase in overall net approval rating over the past several months, Trump’s work during his first year in office was widely panned by respondents, Morning Consult’s data from all 50 states released Tuesday showed.

Last month, Trump had a 44 percent approval and 51 percent disapproval rating among registered voters. Those numbers still represented a two-point increase in net approval rating—the difference between approval and disapproval ratings—in September and a four-point jump compared to October and November.

But while Trump’s overall numbers may have improved recently, over the past year he’s lost support from more than a dozen states. When he first entered office in January 2017, Trump had a positive net approval rating in 38 U.S. states. West Virginia, Alabama, Kentucky, Tennessee and Wyoming led the pack, all with a net approval rating of at least 34 percent.

Trump managed to maintain those strongholds but has since seen his net approval drop across the country. Even in West Virginia, Trump went from a 37 percent net approval to 22 percent over 12 months. Similarly, Kentucky and Tennessee both went from 34 percent to 16 percent, while Alabama dropped from 36 percent to 29 percent.

Those drops weren't the only bad news for the president. The number of respondents who strongly disapproved of Trump's performance also climbed significantly. A year ago, 28 percent strongly disapproved of Trump, but last month that number had increased to 39 percent. Conversely, 27 percent strongly approved in January of last year, and now only 22 percent have the same feeling.

Still, Trump has managed to rally Republican support as 2018’s midterm elections draw closer. Last month, 48 percent of GOP voters strongly approved of Trump’s work, a significant increase from 43 percent in September.

The data was based on Morning Consult surveys taken between January 20, 2017, and January 29 of this year and drew responses from more than 800,000 voters from all 50 states.

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PostPosted: Wed Feb 14, 2018 3:14 pm    Post subject: Falsehood In The White House Reply with quote

Jake Tapper Completely CRUSHES Donald Trump On The 'Falsehood In The White House' After New Scandal



Công Hòa Viêt-Nam Muôn Nam!
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PostPosted: Wed Feb 14, 2018 11:57 pm    Post subject: Declaring Chicago a “Trump-Free Zone” Reply with quote

Why Declaring Chicago a “Trump-Free Zone” Isn’t Enough for Rahm Emanuel
Trump and Rahm Emanuel Both Love a Fight, Especially Against Each Other
The mayor says that Trump-bashing is good politics, but that it won’t spark a Democratic comeback.
By Susan B. Glasser

When Chicago’s mayor, Rahm Emanuel, was recently in New York to appear on Stephen Colbert’s late-night television show, Colbert asked how he would enforce his declaration that Chicago was now a “Trump-free zone.” “The whole thing? How does that work?” Colbert asked. Yes, Emanuel replied, nodding his head vigorously, “The whole thing. Our motto: a city he’ll never sleep in. We don’t want him, man.” At that, he smiled broadly as the audience cheered.

Of course, Emanuel can’t actually bar the President of the United States from entering America’s third-largest city. But the loud applause that followed his comments reinforced a key fact of politics in 2018: if you’re a Democratic mayor in a Democratic city, Trump-bashing is good for business. And Emanuel, who has revelled in political brawls since he was a young enforcer in Bill Clinton’s White House, has taken to it with even more vigor than most. Trump, the Mayor told me when we met last week in his office at Chicago’s City Hall, had made the fight personal, and Emanuel said that he is happy to oblige. “I’m not scared, I’m not intimidated, so I’ll say it, and he gets irritated, so he thinks he can hit me in the nose,” Emanuel said. “The city of Chicago, we’re the city of big shoulders—we’ll hit back.”

The President has long appeared to be obsessed with Emanuel’s Chicago, portraying it as a sort of murderous hellscape, a symbol of the “American carnage” that he vowed to eradicate in his Inaugural Address. Trump has called Chicago “a disaster,” “out of control,” and “Not Good!” On the campaign trail, in 2016, he regularly cited the city’s high murder rate and even claimed to have met with a high-ranking Chicago police official who said that he could fix the city’s problems “in one week” if only he and his men were unleashed. Since becoming President, Trump has continued to single out Chicago as a dangerous urban cesspool. “What the hell is going on in Chicago?” Trump shouted at a campaign-style rally in Pensacola, Florida, in December. A few days later, Emanuel issued his televised vow to ban Trump from Chicago. And a few days after that, Trump had the city on his mind once again. “What the hell is going on in Chicago?” he asked the graduates at the F.B.I. Academy, in Quantico, Virginia, in what was, even for Trump, a most unusual digression during a commencement address. “What the hell is happening there?”

A feud between these two almost theatrically combative politicians was perhaps inevitable. Both love a fight, and both believe that if you are punched in politics, the only correct course is to punch back. And this fight is mutually beneficial. For Trump, the portrayal of the city as a gigantic crime scene filled with rogue immigrants and gun-wielding murderers seems tailor-made to appeal to his political base of disaffected white voters across the Rust Belt suburbs and exurbs. For Emanuel, the benefits of a fight are equally appealing. As the 2016 election season closed, the former Washington wunderkind, who had gone on to become Barack Obama’s first White House chief of staff, was a struggling second-term mayor with low approval ratings. Racial politics in the city had turned even more toxic than usual after evidence emerged of police misconduct in the death of a seventeen-year-old African-American named Laquan McDonald. Many questioned whether Emanuel could run for or win a third term.

Then came Trump. In the Presidential election, the blustery New Yorker won just twelve per cent of the city’s popular vote and fifty-one of Chicago’s two thousand and sixty-nine precincts. Hating on Trump was something that Emanuel’s bitterly divided city could agree on, and the Mayor embraced his new role. Suddenly, he was in demand again on the national talk-show circuit; he wrote op-eds for the Washington Post and the Times and joined his fellow-big-city mayors in filing lawsuits against Trump’s immigration policies. By the end of December, after his “Trump-free zone” line had taken off, Emanuel’s approval rating had gone up from an abysmal twenty-five per cent to well over fifty per cent.

How much did Trump have to do with Emanuel’s resurgence in Chicago? It’s hard to say, of course, but Emanuel is taking advantage of the political lift. He announced that he plans to run for a third term next year, and there are no serious challengers yet on the horizon. When we met in his City Hall office on a bone-chillingly cold afternoon last week, Emanuel acknowledged that his blunt criticism of Trump is popular in a place where public sentiment leans hard against the President. “The good news is, the city has stood up and said very particularly to him his politics and his policies are not welcome here,” he said. “And I’m just giving voice to what people already feel.”

Emanuel told me that the “Trump-free zone” line went back to an impromptu moment at the beginning of the past school year. He was visiting a predominantly Hispanic high school (“as in ninety-nine-point-nine per cent Hispanic,” he said) on the southwest side of Chicago, where fears were running high about deportations and Trump’s plans to cancel the legal status for the young people, known as Dreamers, who had been brought to the United States illegally as children. “I wanted their parents and them to know they belong in school, they’re going to be safe in school, they’re going to be safe going to and from school,” he said.

I asked Emanuel why the President seemed so obsessed with Chicago. “I don’t think he likes the fact that I’m pretty vocal. I’ve been in the Oval Office; I’m not intimidated by it. I worked for two Presidents that weren’t scared when I tell them I disagreed. They encouraged me to speak my mind,” he said, drawing a quick contrast with congressional Republicans back in his old stomping ground on Capitol Hill. “Look at the House Republican caucus—he prefers a bunch of lemmings.” When I laughed, Emanuel said, “Well, he does! You have a very, very autocratic personality. He doesn’t like things that are in his way.”

Hating on Trump, while it may be fun, has its limits. If anything, the ease of Trump-bashing, the daily chaos of his Presidential Administration, and the many rifts now playing out in public among Republicans have obscured the equally tectonic fight going on inside the Democratic Party. Since the unexpected success of Bernie Sanders’s 2016 insurgency against Hillary Clinton, the Party has been conflicted between its increasingly loud left wing and its governing center.

Emanuel is acutely aware of this. “To quote Bill Clinton,” he said, breaking into a well-honed impression of the former President, “you can’t beat something with nothin’. We’ve established we’re against Trump. I want to establish we’re for America.”

Emanuel has always stood for a certain Clintonian centrism, even though that brand of nineties-style pragmatism has since gone out of fashion in the Democratic Party. “Democrats can keep winning: Just copy (Bill) Clinton” was the title, in fact, of an article he published with another former Clinton White House aide, Bruce Reed, in the Washington Post, in November, as Democrats scored off-year election victories in New Jersey and Virginia and looked ahead to this year’s midterm elections. Their argument was simple: win the war of ideas against Republicans, and aim for a majority rather than playing to the Democratic Party’s existing liberal base. But it is not a fight they are winning, as the pair readily acknowledged in the piece. “Instead of reaching out to the nearly 60 percent of Americans who disapprove of the president and may be looking for a new political home, Democrats are once again fighting over whether to purge one wing or frustrate the other,” they wrote.

In our conversation, Emanuel was happy to discuss Trump, but he bristled when I asked about the Democrats’ own divisions. Emanuel is famous for his quick temper and salty language; this was the only time in our talk when it appeared. It was clear that he was tired of answering whether he is progressive enough for the times. “I take umbrage at this,” he said, before quickly reeling off a list of Chicago initiatives that include free community college for all students who graduate from high school with at least a B average and the nation’s only college scholarship for Dreamers. “Is that left? Is that big-‘P’ left? Is that small-‘p’ left? Is that moderate centrist, or center left?” he asked. “I don’t know. I don’t give a rat’s ass. I really don’t. To me, that’s, like, the dumbest debate.”

Dumb or not, it clearly resonates. “Yes, I know it resonates,” he added, before reciting another example of how he was trying, in his view, to push the city in a more progressive direction. He had got a minimum-wage hike passed in Chicago, to bring it up to thirteen dollars an hour over five years; the state of Illinois remained at eight dollars and twenty-five cents an hour. But the left criticized him for not raising it to fifteen dollars an hour. “To me, this is where I would say to everybody, ‘Chicago is moving in a progressive fashion. Get the caboose known as Springfield to move. O.K., that’s hard work,’ ” he said. “So, yes, I know where the energy is, etc. I’m just not into left or right, or real far left versus real far right.”

In the end, Emanuel and a surprising number of other Democratic leaders with whom I’ve spoken in recent months maintain that their party’s divisions are more stylistic than ideological: Sanders pledges free college for all; Chicago’s mayor experiments with a limited version—free community college for some.

“I think we spend too much time in the firing squad in a circle,” Emanuel said. “To win, we have established our no. We now have to establish our yes with equal fervor.”

Emanuel seemed to have no idea where the ideological fights in the Democratic Party will land by the time 2020 rolls around. Nor do I. We were both, however, certain that President Trump would offer plenty of ammunition for the Party of No in the meantime.

Sure enough, as we talked in Chicago, a new scandal was brewing in the White House, as it was revealed that the White House staff secretary, Rob Porter, had been accused of domestic abuse by his two ex-wives and had not received a necessary security clearance from the F.B.I. In the coming days, Trump would inject himself in the middle of the controversy, appearing to defend Porter and other accused sexual harassers, as his White House put out conflicting accounts of the facts.

None of this had happened yet, but in some way it was entirely predictable to Emanuel. He thinks that Democrats are much too confident about their ability to profit from the weakness of an unpopular politician. (He remains a believer that one should never underestimate a guy who managed to make it to the Oval Office.) Yet Trump has already shown that he cannot avoid being trapped in exactly the kind of political controversies that most other Presidents are adept at avoiding. “Trump cannot get out of Trump’s way,” Emanuel said. “It’s not Bob Mueller; it’s Trump. Trump cannot get out of Trump’s way, and he’s distracting himself.”

This is the fact driving politics in 2018. But the question remains: Will it be enough to rescue the Democrats from themselves?

O how clever, O how cute wink
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